Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman has fired NNSA Administrator Linton Brooks. NNSA Deputy Administrator Tom D’Agostino will serve as acting Under Secretary for Nuclear Security and Administrator.
Linton Brooks is a fine public servant getting a raw deal.
Bodman cited security lapses as the reason for firing Brooks:
I repeatedly have told DOE and laboratory employees, and in particular senior managers, we must be accountable to the President and the American people not just for efforts, but for results. Therefore, and after careful consideration, I have decided that it is time for new leadership at the NNSA, and I have asked for the resignation of NNSA Administrator, Linton Brooks. Ambassador Brooks will tender his resignation to the President, and depart later this month.
Of course, Brooks could really tick me off as he did one year at the Carnegie Nonproliferation Conference. And I certainly enjoyed poking fun at him over beers. But I could say that about most people in the Bush Administration.
Despite our deep disagreements over the role of nuclear weapons in US national security, Brooks got a lot of things right as NNSA Administrator, from promoting efforts to secure nuclear materials to fostering dialogue with China. I am sorry to see him go.
It isn’t clear to me, yet, why Brooks got the ax now. Some members of Congress, particularly Joe Barton (R-TX) have been calling for his resolution since he failed to tell Bodman that NNSA’s computers had been hacked. Barton got pretty testy in a hearing:
REP. BARTON: All right. Now, it’s public knowledge, at least in this hearing room, and unfortunately outside the hearing room, that back in September, we know from the testimony of the prior witnesses, that Mr. Podonsky and his group conducted a red team exercise that penetrated some of the security protections at the Department of Energy. And you were made aware of that at that time. Is that not correct?
MR. BROOKS: That’s correct.
REP. BARTON: And we also know that, subsequent to that, there was a real penetration of your administration.
MR. BROOKS: That’s correct.
REP. BARTON: And you were informed of that in September.
MR. BROOKS: That’s correct.
REP. BARTON: And you meet with the secretary or the deputy secretary almost every day, and yet apparently you didn’t tell them about that.
MR. BROOKS: That’s correct.
REP. BARTON: Now, for probably the third or fourth time, why not?
MR. BROOKS: The—I’m choosing my words carefully, and we can expand on this in the closed session. The department has treated these intrusions, once they happen, as counterintelligence issues. The department has a fragmented counterintelligence organization which it has submitted legislation to correct.
It appears that each side of that organization assumed that the other side had made the appropriate notification to the deputy secretary.
REP. BARTON: That’s hogwash.
[snip]
To say that somebody else is responsible begs the intelligence of this committee. I mean, I’m—I don’t know what to say other than it will be my strong recommendation after I have had a consultation with the ranking member, Mr. Dingell, that you be removed from your office as expeditiously as possible. And I mean like 5 o’clock this afternoon if it’s possible.
Barton and Kentucky Republican Ed Whitfield subsequently sent a letter to Bodman demanding Brooks’ resignation.
But, that was in June and I kind of figured that had blown over by now …
Here is the transcript of the hearing where Barton and Brooks squared off …
Rose Gottemoeller: Linton gave me the best advice I ever received in my diplomatic career. When you’re up all night negotiating with the Soviets, a hot shower is worth four hours of sleep.
Brooks: If you take two showers, you don’t even need to sleep…
Keep an eye on the nuclear testing/nonproliferation credentials of whoever comes next. Since test readiness at this time is 18 months by law (24 months by budgetary restriction), the Bush administration could order someone in to pave the political way forward for a test order mid-year.
“The department has a fragmented counterintelligence organization which it has submitted legislation to correct.
“It appears that each side of that organization assumed that the other side had made the appropriate notification to the deputy secretary.”
I can’t think that Brooks or anyone else can be legitimately responsible for a systemic dysfunction, especially when the kneejerk reaction is to legislate a new structure. That tends to be one of the most common red herrings in any federal reform effort. Why dismiss the leader when the presenting issue is predicated upon a structure over which he has no authority?
Of course, the answer is politics, but structural changes alone are insufficient in addressing the interplay between organizational politics and processes.
This is just one of a series of “goings on” in both DOE and DOD on nuclear weapons issues that have me more than a bit bothered right now. Things are not always what they seem, and it may be quite appropriate to consider the public “reason” for Ambassador Brooks’ dismissal to be just an excuse. The security lapses really are old news. Other things appear to be bothering Bodman lately. I can’t really be more specific, but, if others want to speculate, I’d be glad to offer an opinion.
I should caveat, Ambassador Brooks is one of my favorite people in the Arms Control business (his stories from the Rykyavik summit are great!) and I’ve loved working with him over the years.
Just a wild idea.
Brooks’s firing comes at the same time as major rearrangement of other major players. Also with the decision to use a little bit of Livermore, a little bit of Los Alamos for the new RRW, at least according to the NYT.
Could we be seeing a rearrangement in concert with administration war plans?
I tend to take the rumors that Admiral Foland is now head of CENTCOM to prepare for a bombing of Iran with a grain of salt (not SALT, unfortunately). But if you were planning to nuke another country, would you want an arms control guy in charge of the nuclear agency?
Or maybe Brooks suggested that kluging two reportedly fairly different RRW designs together to justify further support of Bechtel at Los Alamos and whoever it will be at Livermore (Halliburton?) might give the country the kind of nuclear weapons that the Osprey is an airplane?
I haven’t been able to work this in with the rumor that Negroponte may succeed Condi, who may succeed Cheney, but I’ll keep working on it.
Based on my interactions over the years with Mr. Brooks, I think Sec. Bodman has made a sound decision and should be congratulated for this move to clean up the DOE house. Mr. Brooks unfortunately proved not only to be discourteous to the engaged public but also deepened the destructive, arrogant attitude in DOE HQ that no information will be provided in response to public inquiries. When in charge of the MOX program and later as head of NNSA, reports to Congress on the status of the MOX program read like fanciful, speculative tales designed to mislead Congress in order to secure yet more funds. Of course Congress and not Brooks was responsible for lack of oversight on the plutonium disposition program and for lack of questioning those reports. Hopefully after years of little oversight of DOE programs and the performance of public servants such as Mr. Brooks, oversight of DOE will now dramatically increase and a process will be developed so that HQ will have to respond to public inquries.
Although I often disagreed with his outlook, I have to refute what the previous poster said about Am Brooks’ openness to the public. As a former journalist that dealt with his issues, he generally made himself and his staff available to answer questions on most issues of relevance…A statement I would not make about most of the rest of the Bush Administration’s national security team.
As to the why’s of his dismissal, I am also skeptical of the official “reason”. I always had the feeling that Brooks was pushing back on those inside DOD that wanted to move forward on new nuclear weapon designs. With the RRW now being called into question by the recent study on PU aging, it seems his opponents may have blamed Brooks for the reports findings and are now maneuvering to start new weapons work. A recent reshuffle in the reporting chain for nuclear efforts in the OSD Policy shop might allow this as the new office focuses on other matters at the senior level..
I’d like to offer up a theory and get some feedback from others. It goes like this: Firing Brooks is a step toward dismantling NNSA. For the Bush administration, NNSA has long been a headache. The NW side of NNSA tends not to be as enthusiastic about things like RRW as they “should” be. The nonproliferation side is populated by a bunch of NPT-loving liberals who think treaties are a good way to conduct international relations. Justifying the dismantlement of the nonproliferation side is easy: move Megaports to DHS; move safeguards to the office of Nuclear Energy under the auspices of GNEP; and delete the rest of the NA20 using the NRA view of nonproliferation: nuclear weapons aren’t the problem – bad actors are the problem.
xxx – a comment on your theory. While it may be true that DOE’s goal is to bring the U.S. nuclear weapons enterprise back under DOE control (even though NNSA wasn’t really all that independent), I don’t think that applies to the nonproliferation side of the house. The DOE nonproliferation programs did not change much when they went from DOE to NNSA, and they are not focused on NPT-types of activities. They are focused on U.S. assistance to other nations in securing their materials or their borders. This is the Bush Admin’s theory of nation-by-nation non-proliferation in action. And I really don’t see the place being run by NPT-softies.
But the nuclear weapons side, yes, I do see a power play. Also, its worth remembering that Congress created NNSA to give the weapons people some independence from DOE (the Nonpro stuff just went along for the ride). So, if this is a power-play, don’t expect the new chairs of the relevant committees to sit quietly by.
Amyfw: to be clear, I don’t see the NA20 being run by “NPT-softies” either, but on the whole, NA20 is certainly more friendly to arms control, treaties and universally applied obligations than the Administration.
WRT your comment that NA20 activities are predominantly (at least by funding levels) directed at securing materials: I agree. However, I’d point to the strong desire to be rid of the Russia/FSU work as soon as possible as another justification for eliminating the NNSA bureaucracy. The other work (GTRI, etc.) could easily be shed to DTRA or moved under DOE.
My larger point is that a case can be made that NNSA is both irrelevant and antithetical to the Administration’s goals. Given the rather insubstantial role NNSA has played in the major proliferation challenges of the last few years, you don’t have to see eye-to-eye with the Bush administration to find credibility in the irrelevance argument.
To be clear: I don’t support the dismantlement of NNSA. A strong, competent nonproliferation agency with access to substantial technical knowledge would be a good thing. At present, however, that is not what we have.
xxx- I’m not sure I agree with your perception that someone (the Admin?)wants to be “rid of” the FSU nonproliferation work. That’s where most of the money is, and most of the materials are, and other programs, like GTRI, are really just press relations announcing the collection of other programs into a single heading. The Russia stuff is the core of the NNSA nonproliferation work, and likely to remain so for a while (we’re nowhere near done.) I’ll agree that money has been shifting to out of the FSU in recent years, but the shift is small relative to the whole (and we have a 10-year commitment to provide $1 billion per year to Russia, so I’m not sure where you see an interest in getting out of that business.) Also, if DOE wanted to take the nonpro stuff out NNSA, it could do so. NNSA was created by Congress to consolidate U.S. weapons work, the nonpro stuff just went along for the ride. It doesn’t have to stay there. Finally, I don’t think the folks at NNSA are committed arms controllers, they are committed cooperative nonproliferation people (which really isn’t the same thing as old-style arms control.) They’re more into it than the Pentagon folks, but that’s because the labs took this on themselve in the early 1990s and really started drawing in some money after that. As in all things, money counts. If you get $600 million per year for a project, you’re going to like it alot.