Photo of jeffrey

A friend observes that the Box-on-the-Euphrates may have been modeled to appear, at first glance, like a ruined Byzantine fortress.

The other three images are of a Byzantine fortress in Zippori (Sepphoris) National Park, Israel.

Same friend sends along some SketchUp models and Google Earth overlays, including:

Overlays show the BOW after destruction, including the exposure, the crane, the backfill. and the foundation of the new building

Have fun.

Comment [3]

Photo of james_acton

ISIS have released an impressive and comprehensive report detailing the deception techniques used by the Syrians for the Box on the Euphrates (Andreas has already beaten me to blog it—you obviously haven’t got enough work to do, mate!).

It answers a question that has been bugging me for a while: Where are the protrusions?

North Korea’s reactor (below) has two such protrusions. There is the tall, thin stack attached to the reactor building itself and the much thicker but shorter cooling tower to the South. The stack is for venting carbon dioxide from the primary cooling circuit. The cooling tower is for the secondary water-cooled circuit. Syria’s reactor (above) has (or more relevantly had) neither.

You can do without a cooling tower if you happen to have a large river nearby that you can discharge the hot water into and, well, the BOE is not called that for nothing. But where is Syria’s stack?

I had blithely been asserting for a while before USIC presented its evidence that if the BOE was a reactor it couldn’t have been all that close to completion because there was no stack.

I was wrong. Abright and Brannan explain (see their paper for the pictures):


According to U.S. government experts, the reactor’s ventilation system was carefully hidden. The air intakes of the ventilation system are assessed to be along one wall of the building, according to these experts (see figure 23). They noted that two rectangular structures located against the wall have louvers at the top through which air can enter.

…One structure visible is what the intelligence community assessed could be the foundation and remaining part of the stack (see figure 25). According to U.S. government experts, a pipe or small stack could have been extended through the fake roof after the reactor started operating. Until that time, the top of the stack may not have been more than a hole or cover in the fake roof, according to U.S. government experts (see figure 24).

Cunning.

To add a bit of human interest (I know Wonk readers love it), I’ll add that reading it made me feel a bit sorry for the workers in the plant. Stacks are tall for a reason; they contain slightly radioactive carbon dioxide that ought to be dispersed away from ground level. Makes you wonder what other safety corners Syria cut.

Comment [20]

Photo of jeffrey

CIA Director General Michael Hayden stuck to the size estimate of the Al Kibar yesterday, comparing it to Yongbyon:

“In the course of a year after they got full up, they would have produced enough plutonium for one or two weapons,” Hayden told reporters after a speech.

The reactor was of a “similar size and technology” to North Korea’s Yongbyon reactor, Hayden said, disputing speculation it was smaller than the Korean facility.

“We would estimate that the production rate there would be about the same as Yongbyon, which is about enough plutonium for one or two weapons per year,” he said.

(via Total Wonkerr)

The CIA estimates that Yongbyon produces “about 6 kg per year” of plutonium. (I think it is a stretch to call that one “or two” weapons per year but whatever.)

So, the IC must really think it is the same size.

A couple of summary points about the How Big Was Al Kibar post:

  • The ratio of entry points for the fuel and control rods is 61:97. Extrapolating capacity from the number of entry points is not straightforward, but capacity if the entry points imply a proportional number of fuel and control rods, the reactor could be significantly smaller than Yongbyon.
  • On the other hand, the core could still be the same size, of course, just with fewer entry points. I took a quick look at the collapsed concrete containment vessel and came up with like 10 meters — a little tight for a Yongbyon-sized pressure vessel (884 centimeters), but not clearly impossible. That estimate could easily be off by 1 or 2 meters.

This is all very interesting. Thoughts?

Comment [36]

Photo of jeffrey

I just love my job. I am like a kid in a candy store with all these photos of Al Kibar. A couple of things don’t add up just yet. Not saying they won’t eventually, but I am trying to work through the evidence with some rigor.

Despite early press reports that the fuel channels atop the Al Kibar reactor core were identical to Yongbyon, I and others — including Geoff Forden, Cheryl Rofer and Richard Wendland — see some pretty significant differences that suggest Al Kibar might have been quite a bit smaller than its North Korean cousin.

To be clear, I don’t doubt that Al Kibar was a reactor and, although I think the evidence of North Korean involvement is less impressive than early press reports suggested, that’s my working hypothesis too.

But I don’t understand the claim that Al Kibar is a copy of Yongbyon in the strict sense — in particular, I don’t understand how the IC concluded that Al Kibar is the same size as Yongbyon.

Are the Fuel Channels Identical, Similar or Dissimilar?

Early reports suggested that the Al Kibar reactor had virtually identical configuration and number of channels to lower fuel rods into the core as at Yongbyon. Robin Wright wrote in the Washington Post:

Sources familiar with the video say it also shows that the Syrian reactor core’s design is the same as that of the North Korean reactor at Yongbyon, including a virtually identical configuration and number of holes for fuel rods. It shows “remarkable resemblances inside and out to Yongbyon,” a U.S. intelligence official said. A nuclear weapons specialist called the video “very, very damning.”

The actual claim during the video was much more careful — that there were similarities in the configuration and in the size and capacity of the reactor.

This photograph shows the top of the reactor vessel in the reactor hall before concrete was poured around the vertical control rod and refueling tubes. Note the similar arrangement of vertical tube openings in the top of the Syrian reactor on the left and North Korea’s Yongbyon plutonium production reactor on the right. We assess the Syrian reactor was similar in size and capacity to this North Korean reactor.

In fact, the number and configuration of fuel channels are different in some ways. Cheryl Rofer, over at Whirled View has been sifting through the images with care and meticulous attention and noticed that Al Kibar has only about 60 percent of the number of fuel channels as Yongbyon. Richard Wendland made a similar observation in a comment on the blog. Then Geoff Forden sent me a note stating:

I’ve been counting fuel tubes and it appears to me that the Syrian reactor is considerably smaller than the North Korean reactor.

The’ve got a point.

Take another look at the image of the fuel channels and count them.

One can see quite clearly that the reactor at Al Kibar had 52 56 fuel channels in a 4-6-8-8-8-8-6-4 configuration like this (my arithmetic is especially poor on Sundays):

(There are a few onsies here and there, maybe for control rods, but that doesn’t dramatically alter the picture.)

That’s the same arrangement in the computer model released by the IC, so it seems quite plausible that no additional channels were to be installed. Here is a screen capture:

Yongbyon has considerably more fuel channels — 97, configured in 5-7-9-11-11-11-11-11-9-7-5. Like this:

If you model the core of a reactor as a sphere, the volume (and hence capacity) of Al Kibar would be about one-fifth that of Yongbyon — sixty percent cubed.

The implication of a smaller reactor is smaller plutonium production — roughly, while Yongbyon could produce 5-7 kg of plutonium per year, Al Kibar could only produce about 1 kilogram of plutonium per year.

That’s still not good, but it also invites comparison’s to the fuss over Algeria’s reactor, which was resolved with safeguards not airstrikes.

On the other hand, maybe there are design differences in the size of the channels or the rods that we aren’t taking into account. But it doesn’t seem to be a copy of Yongbyon, in the strict sense.

Whiskey Tango Foxtrot?

The possibility that Al Kibar is smaller might explain why the “copy” of Yongbyon doesn’t have a secondary cooling tower as Yongbyon does (although, to be clear, Yale Simkin and others caclulate that Syria could river-cool even a Yongbyon-sized reactor without unreasonable pumping requirements or boiling fish).

A smaller reactor would also require less natural uranium fuel — something that might matter if one plans extract uranium from phosphates.

Finally, a smaller reactor would also, presumably, reduce the design throughput for whatever reprocessing facility the Syrians intended to build or have squirreled away. That question — what about the reprocessing facilities — is a big one that I suspect we will be talking about a lot in the coming weeks.

But for now I just want to know if the IC really judges that Al Kibar was going to be exactly the same size as Yongbyon and, if so, on what basis was that judgment made given the different number of fuel channels?

I mean that as an honest question.

Comment [62]

Photo of jeffrey

From a reader.

Update: Since the full text is now online at the DNI website, I have moved the full text to the comments.

Comment [33]

Photo of james_acton

First off, the Syrian video is now public:



Online Videos by Veoh.com

Second, I have one more question to add to Jeffrey’s list: “why now?”

This has been bugging me for the last 24 hours.

Prima facie it makes no sense. The US administration commits to a deal with the North Koreans under which the DPRK is not (yet) required to declare its assistance to Syria (if indeed it occurred). So, why encourage opposition to the deal within the US by showing evidence of said assistance?

I can see three possible reasons (not mutually exclusive), none of which I find entirely satisfactory:

1. Elements within the US administration opposed to the deal have convinced the President that this evidence ought to be shown, in an effort to wreck the deal. I have a slightly hard time believing this because it seems Chris Hill has achieved buy-in for the deal at the very highest levels. But, presumably there is still some strong opposition and such a messy bureaucratic compromise would hardly be unprecedented.

2. The release of the evidence was aimed at increasing pressure on Syria. On balance, I still think this is a bigger part of the reason than others seem to. However, it’s not clear to me what has prompted US desires to pressure the Syrians.

3. The US has been itching to release this evidence all along (see points 1 and 2 above for possible reasons) but hasn’t been able to because it would compromise the source (from Israeli intelligence?) who obtained it. If that source has now been ‘secured’ then the barrier to presenting the evidence would have been lifted. Again, this is also possible but still feels unsatisfactory as an explanation.

“Why now?” still seems like a very interesting question.

Comment [31]

Photo of jeffrey

Robin Wright at the Washington Post and David Sanger at the New York Times are reporting that CIA Director Michael Hayden and other intelligence officials will brief the House and Senate Intelligence, Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees on the Box-on-the-Eurphrates.

The centerpiece of the briefing is a video [presentation showing two still photographs of] a reactor core inside similar to the North Korean reactor at Yongbyon.

Well, finally, some evidence.

  • David Sanger reports that it contains “what appears to be the construction of a reactor vessel inside the building that Israel later destroyed.”
  • Robin Wright reports that “shows that the Syrian reactor core’s design is the same as that of the North Korean reactor at Yongbyon, including a virtually identical configuration and number of holes for fuel rods.”

Above are two images of the top of the Yongbyon reactor core (both from the IAEA, the color one via ISIS). I can imagine that a [picture] showing that would cause some consternation. If the Administration makes the Syria video public, we can do a little comparison.

Assuming the provenance, interpretation and timing are all square, I would think the presumption now shifts to “it was a reactor” — which is not to say that hitting it was a sensible foreign policy decision or that the Six Party process should stall.

Martha Raddatz gets credit, in retrospect, for her story saying that Israel had photographs. I was skeptical and some of the details were certainly wrong in retrospect, but the main point seems more solid today.

I confess I am a little surprised. An agent inside with a video camera is a littler more 24 or Alias than typical clandestine operations. I am not sure how or why the Syrians let a video camera into the facility in the first place.

***

There are still tons of unanswered questions, but I suspect folks will ask those in the Congressional briefings:

  • Who took the [pictures], when and why? How did the Israelis get a copy?
  • Where are the fuel fabrication and reprocessing facilities? I would be surprised if Syria would be willing to depend on foreign fuel and, even more, on foreign reprocessing services.
  • Why weren’t Administration officials willing to call it a reactor, even off-the-record?

Update: As you can see from the changes to the post (clearly marked, of course), apparently what we have are two still photographs inside the BOE.

Comment [66]

Photo of jeffrey

David Albright and Jackie Shirer have a really excellent op-ed in the Washington Post arguing that North Korea has significantly met its commitments to disable its plutonium production facilities and declare past nuclear activities. (For recent blog posts on disablement and the declaration, see Its All About (Water) Chemistry and NORKs Miss Deadline, Slow Disablement)

In particular, Albright and Shire coin an apt phrase to describe North Korea’s uranium enrichment program (UEP): “a footnote in the context of its plutonium production.”

On the subject of apt phrases, Albright and Shire also indirectly pay homage to Arms Control Wonk.com, referring to the suspect Syrian facility near Dayr Al Zwar as the “box in the desert”:

As for the “box in the desert” that Israel bombed in September, it is gone now and whatever has replaced it is almost certainly not a reactor.

Regular readers will remember that I coined the phrase Box on the Euphrates to allow myself and readers to refer to the facility without prejudging its purpose.

My inclination is to be flattered that they adopted the terminology, although certain correspondents suggest I ought to be miffed at their having avoided using the original formulation and, therefore, direct acknowledgment.

I recognize, however, the possibility of potential improvements. Although I think “on the Euphrates” is a more accurate description of the box’s location, the acronym “BID” has certain advantages. For example, we could could refer to the study of the characteristics and purposes of the facility — heretofore known as “boxology” — as “BID-ness” as in “Taking Care of BID-ness.” It’s a tough call.

What say you, loyal readers?

Comment [6]

Photo of jeffrey

The Monopoly House on Euphrates Ave. is about 15 meters tall, or at least that is what one reader working from the angle of the sun calculates.

Check out that and other good stuff in the comments.

Comment [1]

Photo of jeffrey

Readers have asked me what I think of this story by Bill Broad on Syria’s decision to reconstruct a building on the foundations of the the “Box-on-the-Euphrates.”

It has a vaulted roof now, so it looks rather like a Monopoly-House-on-the-Euphrates. (MHE?)

I think Andy — aka the Nonpartisan Pundit — hit the nail on the head in the comment section when he cautioned those concluding the bulldozing of the site was suspicious about jumping to conclusions:

To be fair, let’s consider the possibility that Syria intended to rebuild this building, whatever it was. Would they not “scrape” and flatten the area to place a new foundation on?

Additionally, the two other structures in the facility, including the alleged pump-house, remain. It seems to me if Syria wanted to hide all evidence of a reactor, it would dismantle these as well. Of course that may be the intent, but something the Syrians have not yet accomplished.

Hopefully ISIS will buy future imagery of this site to monitor progress to see what happens.

There has been a certain tendency on the part of the “nuclear reactor” crowd to interpret all actions in light of that assumption (Syria must be destroying the evidence!) rather than consider alternative possibilities of the sort that Andy raised.

I still prefer the hypothesis that it is Bashar al-Assad’s naked swimming pool.

Update: ISIS does have an image.

Comment [48]

Previous