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Joby Warrick of the Washington Post spotlighted the new book out by David Albright that sheds more light into the AQ Khan network: From the article:

As troops massed on his border near the start of the Persian Gulf War, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein weighed the purchase of a $150 million nuclear “package” deal that included not only weapons designs but also production plants and foreign experts to supervise the building of a nuclear bomb, according to documents uncovered by a former U.N. weapons inspector.

The offer, made in 1990 by an agent linked to disgraced Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan, guaranteed Iraq a weapons-assembly line capable of producing nuclear warheads in as little as three years …

Warrick cities newly uncovered memos that David Albright at ISIS obtained and is in his new book, Peddling Peril: How the Secret Nuclear Trade Arms America’s Enemies,
released last week. These documents provide a deeper insight and broader scope than previously known about the AQ Khan network.

Most interesting from one memo states:

“Pakistan had to spend a period of 10 years and an amount of 300 million U.S. dollars to get it,” begins one of the memos. “Now, with the practical experience and worldwide contacts Pakistan has developed, you could have A.B. in about three years’ time and by spending about $150 million.” “A.B.” was understood to mean “atomic bomb…”

Related to the recent posts on Khan, Albright was also on CNN’s Situation Room with Wolf Blitzer last night briefly talking about Iran and AQ Khan. He noted

BLITZER: The father of the Pakistani bomb, you write extensively in the book, “Peddling Peril” he’s a free man right now, right?

ALBRIGHT: That’s right.

BLITZER: Is he under any restrictions whatsoever?

ALBRIGHT: No. He’s actually launched a media campaign to try to say he didn’t do any of this. And so, it’s almost outrageous that he want us becoming free mounting a media campaign to clear his name supposedly, and ironically when he’s in court, he actually says he has no contact with western media, so he’s trying to have it all ways, and I think it’s a travesty in justice.

BLITZER: Because he was involved in helping not only the Iranians but the Iraqis and others, Libya, right?

ALBRIGHT: That’s right.

BLITZER: You write extensively about that in the book.

ALBRIGHT: That’s right.

BLITZER: And then he was under house arrest by the Pakistanis, but no law even under house arrest.

ALBRIGHT: That’s right.

BLITZER: And the U.S. has never really had an access to questioning directly.

ALBRIGHT: That’s right. No one has. And the Pakistani government served as questioners for all, including the United States, the International Atomic Energy Agency and other countries. It was very unsatisfactory.

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Many of us have long suspected that the Tinner Family — Father Freidrich and brothers Marco and Urs — Swiss businessman who participated in the AQ Khan network — were also US intelligence assets (See Urs Tinner and Tinner Talks).

World Radio Switzerland reports that a Swiss court ruling “confirms” that the Tinners were assets — though how this was confirmed is not made clear:

For the first time, it’s been officially confirmed that the Swiss brothers Urs and Marco Tinner did work for the American Central Intelligence Agency, the CIA.

The brothers and their father have been suspected of smuggling nuclear secrets for a group that supplied weapons components to Libya. The documents related to their case have been the subject of dispute – the Americans and some members of the Swiss government have wanted the documents destroyed.

The Tinners and the CIA denied that they were working together but information revealed in a ruling today from the Federal Court confirms that there was a secret collaboration between them.

The case against the Tinners continues.

Update | 8:33 23 February 2009 In the comments, reader Nik posts the relevant passage of the document, in which the court notes that “die Tinners auch für die USA gearbeitet hätten.”

Comment [6]

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ISIS has released a long-awaited trio of papers on Burma’s very odd nuclear programs.

Burma: A Nuclear Wanabee; Suspicious Links to North Korea; High-Tech Procurements (January 28, 2010)

A look at Burmese high tech illicit procurement efforts, the cooperation with North Korea in the areas procurement and development, and imagery analysis of several suspicious facilities.

Exploring Claims about Secret Nuclear Sites in Myanmar (January 28, 2010)

An analysis of several facilities described by Burmese dissidents as involved in a Burmese nuclear program. More ›

Deep Connections between Myanmar’s Department of Atomic Energy and the DTVE (January 28, 2010)

ISIS traces the links between Burma’s Department of Technical and Vocational Education and the Department of Atomic Energy

Some loyal readers have been writing me about Burma in the past few weeks; I implored them to hold off while ISIS completed what is a lot of grist for the crowdsourcing mill. Have at it.

I just want to make the same point from my Wilson Center talk — proliferation networks still exist, gas centrifuges are a very fundamental challenge to the nonproliferation regime, and there are countries we don’t know about yet that have clandestine centrifuge programs.

Burma may or may not be one of these countries. It may go the reactor route, or no route at all. But we are at the beginning, not the end, of a new wave of nuclear aspirants, enabled my much reduced barriers to entry to the nuclear club. The interesting policy question is whether we can devise solutions that preserve the nonproliferation regime in the face of rapid technological change.

Comment [16]

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Wouldn’t it be spectacular if we promoted nonproliferation talks the way we promote Monster Truck Rallies, Metal concerts and the other staples of my Midwestern upbringing?

WEDNESDAY! WEDNESDAY! WEDNESDAY!

ONE DAY ONLY.

HOUSTON WOOD. DAVID ALBRIGHT. JEFFREY LEWIS.

YOU’LL PAY FOR THE WHOLE SEAT, BUT YOU WILL ONLY USE THE EDGE.

Yeah, well.

Houston Wood is giving a talk at the Woodrow Wilson Center tomorrow on the role of gas centrifuges in nonproliferation. Which, to my mind, is even more exciting than when Metallica opened for Ozzy Osbourne at the Peoria Civic Center. (YouTube is really letting me down, here.)

And, the event is free, so you won’t feel bad about only using the edge of your seat.

The History of the Gas Centrifuge and Its Role in Nuclear Proliferation

January 20 2010, 4:00 p.m. – 5:30 p.m.

Uranium enrichment capability and its proliferation are among the most important issues for arms control specialists today. Thanks in part to the network of Pakistani nuclear scientist A.Q. Khan, the gas centrifuge has become one of the most widely used uranium enrichment tools in the world. University of Virginia Professor of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering Houston G. Wood will discuss his ongoing research on the history of the gas centrifuge and its role in nuclear proliferation. Joining him will be David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security, and *Jeffrey Lewi director of the Nuclear Strategy and Nonproliferation Initiative at the New America Foundation.

Houston Wood is professor of mechanical and aerospace engineering at the University of Virginia. His areas of expertise include centrifugation, nuclear non-proliferation and heart pumps. He has published more than 100 articles in books, journals, conference proceedings and reports. Before joining the UVA faculty, he worked as a development engineer (1967-1973) at Oak Ridge Gaseous Diffusion Plant (ORGDP) in the area of uranium enrichment, and then as the manager of the centrifuge physics department (1977-1981). Wood earned his B.A. and M.S. degrees in mathematics from Mississippi State University, and his Ph.D. in applied mathematics from the University of Virginia.

David Albright is president of the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) in Washington, D.C. Prior to founding ISIS, he worked as a senior staff scientist at the Federation of American Scientists and as a member of the research staff of Princeton University’s Center for Energy and Environmental Studies. Albright has many publications, and received a 1992 Olive Branch Award for a series of articles he wrote, along with Mark Hibbs, on the Iraqi nuclear weapons program for the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. Albright cooperated actively with the IAEA Action Team from 1992 until 1997, focusing on analyses of Iraqi documents and past procurement activities, and was the first non-governmental inspector of the Iraqi nuclear program in June 1996. Albright holds a Masters of Science in physics from Indiana University and a Masters of Science in mathematics from Wright State University.

Jeffrey Lewis is director of the Nuclear Strategy and Nonproliferation Initiative at the New America Foundation as well as a research scholar at the Center for International and Security Studies at the University of Maryland School of Public Policy (CSSIM). He is the author of Minimum Means of Reprisal: China’s Search for Security in the Nuclear Age, and founded and maintains the leading blog on nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, ArmsControlWonk.com. Before joining the New America Foundation, Lewis was executive director of the Managing the Atom Project at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Lewis earned his Ph.D. in Policy Studies (International Security and Economic Policy) from the University of Maryland and his B.A. in Philosophy and Political Science from Augustana College in Rock Island, Ill.

I will be making comments along the lines of those in my Bulletin article, A Crisis of Confidence, in which I argued the rapid diffusion of gas centrifuge technology has resulted in a self defeating panic about the future of the nonproliferation regime.

Comment [6]

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I have been given access to a series of what appeared to be internal secret Iranian documents by sources I trust. If authentic, and I believe they are, they provide important insights into Iran’s missile development program and have important implications for North Korea’s as well. Unfortunately, to protect my sources and the Iranians who spirited these documents out to the West, I cannot be too explicit about their contents. The following examination of these memos contains both information from and my analysis of them. I have tried to explicitly point out what is my speculation.

A “Loose” Development Consortium

The memos cover, in a somewhat sketchy way, a lot of ground. Perhaps the most important aspects are those that deal with how several countries collaborate in either developing missiles or selling missile technology to Iran. The memos use codes for the different collaborator countries but I think I know the meanings of the codes. If my understanding is correct, they indicate that representatives from North Korea and China have been present at all phases of production and flight testing. Iran has also gotten important help from Russia, though Russians do not appear to have been as ubiquitous as the Chinese and the North Koreans. The evidence from the memos indicates that this help is on the governmental level rather than “rogue” individuals. This includes Russian help though Russia has been particularly vocal in its denials of such assistance. Despite these denials, the evidence of foreign assistance, both images of engines and turbopumps that are obviously of Russian origin—either their actual production or at the very least their designs—and these internal Iranian memos, make the case overwhelmingly.

The strong implication in the memos is that this assistance was sought by Iran to reduce the risk of project failure. (See my discussion, on paths proliferators might take.) However, the exchange of technology is not automatic, as it would be in a shared development program. Iran appears to have decided that it will try to solve problems as they come up in an effort to develop indigenous capabilities. Under this acquisition strategy, transfer of technology or know-how, even the exchange of opinions, must be approved on what appears to be a case by case basis by a central authority. This could be an explanation for why North Korea’s U’nha-2 failed during its third stage even though it appears to use the Safir’s second stage; a stage that Iran had problems with but eventually got to work. The solution to that problem under this type of collaboration would not have automatically been shared and either North Korea did not ask for it or Iran refused to share it.

Several of the memos also highlight one area that Iran says it does need help in: the production of advanced solid and liquid propellant. They say that while Iran has tried to produce such fuels on its own, they indicate that the problems they have run into are best solved to purchasing complete propellant production plants from outside sources.

These memos have, at least for me, put Iran’s missile development strategy in a different light. Iran is clearly mustering its industrial and intellectual infrastructure to produce long range missiles and, more importantly, to assimilate the know-how to design and produce more advanced missiles in the future. It is not, however, doing this independently of more advanced nations. In fact, it still needs to rely on them for help in quickly solving problems as they come up and for purchasing complete production facilities if they find a process too hard for efficient indigenous production. But Iran is picking and choosing, in a strategic fashion, the problems it wants to solve on its own and those it wants help with. All of this is done in a concerted effort to become an independent designer and manufacturer of long range missiles in as short a time as possible.

Kavoshgar’s Development Program

I have always wondered what Iran was doing in the Kavoshgar flight of 4 February 2008. It is, of course, possible that it was simply a “sounding rocket” flight using a “standard” Shahab-3 missile but I have always suspected it was more. Several of the memos, however, give an interesting insight into the Kavoshgar’s place in Iran’s missile development program. They suggest that several flights of the Kavoshgar were failures while only one Kavoshgar flight was announced on 4 February 2008. The Iranians attribute at least one of these failures to a fuel flow problem but also mention problems with the jet vanes(!) which they blame on very low quality imported graphite. I take these references to other Kavoshgars as referring to previous missile flights that were publicized under other names, like the Ghadr, which was first displayed during a military parade in 2007. They might also include a Shahab missile flown during the Great Prophet III war games in July 2008.

That, unfortunately, gets us into a discussion of names, both Iranian and Western, for different versions of the Shahab missiles; a subject that I wish I could avoid. If you do a Google search for “Shahab” you find things like Shahab-3B, Shahab-3M, Shahab-3ER, Shahab-3C, and Ghader-1, but I suspect that several of these are just different Western analysts’ names for the same missile. (The memos indicate, rather cryptically, that there are five members of the Shahab family of missiles. I’m sure we could have a very lively discussion about what that means.) For what it is worth, I think the Shahab family includes the Shahab-3 (essentially a Nodong with a steel airframe and two propellant storage tanks; the fuel being in front of the oxidizer); a Shahab-3B (similar to the Shahab-3 but with a reduced warhead mass in a “baby-bottle nosecone”—hence my designation of “B”—as shown on the left, which increases accuracy during reentry, and possibly has an aluminum airframe); and the “enhanced” Shahab or Shahab-E, which is the Iranian designation, and I assume is like the Shahab-3B but with two oxidizer tanks in front of the fuel tank. It is of course possible that what I have termed the Shahab-3B also uses two oxidizer tanks but then there is no meaningful differences between these two types and they both should be classified as Shahab-E’s.

There are some minor external differences visible between the Shahab-3B and the Shahab-E but it is possible both have an aluminum airframe. These differences are a slight increase in height for the Shahab-E and a slight difference in where the external cable track leading from the navigation units just behind the warhead to the thrust vector control at the rear of the exhaust nozzle. However, the really important difference is that I believe the Shahab-E has two oxidizer tanks and that both are in front of the fuel tank, reversing their order when compared to the Shahab-3B because the reduced warhead weight and the increased drag from the more complex warhead shape both increase the potential instability of the design. Splitting the oxidizer tank in two increases the aerodynamic stability by allowing the rocket to first use the lower oxidizer tank and then, as I mentioned above, I believe the Kavoshgar is an enhanced Shahab.

“Fuel flow problems” suggests that the Kavoshgar design has changed the system for feeding propellant into the combustion chamber. Unfortunately, we need a great deal of speculation to carry this further. However, two possibilities immediately suggest themselves when coupled with speculations about splitting the oxidizer tank into two to increase stability. One is that moving the oxidizer tank forward has changed the feed line resistance to pumping the oxidizer into the combustion chamber. If the turbopump has not been changed—a change that would entail a major re-engineering effort—then it is conceivable that bubbles (or cavitation) have started to form in the turbopump, causing instabilities in the propulsion. However, these bubbles would tend to form at the very beginning of the flight when the acceleration of the missile is lowest. Videos of the launch give no indication that such instabilities occur, though that does not rule them out.

Another possibility is the process of switching from one oxidizer tank to another. Seemingly simple procedures like this can cause significant engineering problems; problems that might not show up in the portions of video shown of the Kavoshgar flight but only halfway through the powered portion of the trajectory.

In either case, or perhaps in a third possibility not considered here, the solution eluded Iranian engineers and they were authorized to consult foreign experts.

The Safir Rocket

Some of the most interesting points of a subset of the memos arise during their discussion of the Safir, the two stage rocket that Iran used to orbit a satellite in February 2009. Those state that the airframes for both the first and second stages came from the enhanced Shahab. (This, by the way, rules out the Sejil being the Shahab-E since solid propellant rockets need considerably thicker and heavier airframes to contain the pressures associated with their combustion.) Another interesting feature unique to the Safir is a guidance system said in some of the memos to use GPS, a feature we will return to below.

Some analysts have questioned the Safir’s second stage ability to lift heavy payloads, arguing that Iran had to reduce the strength of the second stage structure to enable it to lift even a small satellite into space. Their implication was clearly that if the same structure was used on a missile carrying a heavy warhead, it would collapse. However, their hypothesis is drawn into serious question if the Safir’s second-stage airframe really did come from a Shahab-E. If there are no such structural issues, then a military version of the Safir could lift a one ton warhead into much of Europe.

One of the biggest changes for the Safir from previous missile’s flown by Iran, according to some of these memos, is its guidance system. Not only is it a two stage missile with a new and more efficient way of controlling the second stage’s flight, using two gimbaled engines, the memos also say it uses GPS as well as inertial guidance systems like gyroscopes. Other space-faring powers have, of course, gotten along perfectly well with pure inertial guidance system for putting a satellite into orbit. So we are left looking around for applications that Iran might find more easily accomplished using GPS. One possibility is that Iran found it difficult to control the second stage’s flight without at least a check on the inertial measurements with a GPS. Unfortunately, the real reason will depend on the details of Iran’s internal capabilities, capabilities that are very difficult to know or judge as outside observers. One thing that is clear from the memos is that GPS is only being used in the Safir because its mission is to put a satellite into orbit. It will not be used for military missiles which might be subject to the US turning off the precision coverage.

Final Thoughts

Understanding the paths proliferators take to acquiring weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them, and in particular Iran’s efforts, are subjects of immense importance that many different analysts have been and continue to struggle with. After all, if we can understand how successful proliferators operate, we can adjust our nonproliferation regimes to be more effective. These memos show that proliferators are desperately trying to gain that indigenous capability but they also show that the proliferators still have a long way to go. As proliferators develop their own advanced industrial base, our supply-side nonproliferation regimes like the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) or the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)—where supplier countries agree to not ship certain technologies to suspect countries—will become less and less effective. We will have to evolve those regimes to deal with the changing technological landscape. Unfortunately, the memos also show that not all countries that have signed up with those regimes have fully committed themselves to following the agreements.

Comment [59]

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Tehran University, one of the Iranian universities that has significant research in material sciences including advanced composite materials.

My previous two posts ( part 3 and part 4 of this series on a proliferation case study examining Iran’s possible indigenous production of Safir engine parts) discussed a framework for thinking about how proliferators get WMD and the means to deliver them. It was pointed out that the best way for proliferators to get the technology and industrial infrastructure for producing these new (to them) technologies was to purchase a turnkey production plant. It was also pointed that once that was done, the proliferator could “assimilate” the technology and progress toward more indigenous innovation. How quickly and efficiently this could be done, however, depends on the level of pre-existing knowledge related to the technology. Today’s post is going to examine Iran’s state of knowledge related to advanced composites.

A Wide Range of Contributing Knowledge

First, however, we have to discuss the range of prior knowledge that could assist in the assimilation of a given technology. Unfortunately, it is hard for the an outside observer to be aware of all of these technologies. So before turning to Iran’s infrastructure, I’m going to discuss more about that poster-child of turnkey proliferation and assimilation: India’s rocket/missile acquisition program. Many of these details can be found, at least in an introductory sense, in the wonderful book by Gopal Raj’s Reach for the Stars: The Evolution of India’s Rocket Programme. Raj details how India licensed the solid propellant technology for the Centaure II sounding rocket from France’s Sud Aviation that started them on the road to not only their space launch capabilities (such as the SLV-3) but also to the Agni guided missile.

The Centaure II uses relatively modest propellants (Polyvinyl Chloride—PVC—binder and ammonium perchlorate—AP—oxidizer) but licensing this technology enabled India to gain invaluable experience producing large-grain solid-propellant rockets. India was able to produce part of these chemicals by purchasing a PVC turnkey production plant from B.F. Goodrich but they first had to import AP. Interestingly, India was able to capitalize its preexisting electrolytic industry in the form of the West Indian Match Company (WIMCO) to jump from potassium perchlorate to ammonium perchlorate, which required an additional electrolysis stage. WIMCO was created as a joint venture where India licensed the technology from the Swedish Match Company in 1924 as a turnkey plant, Indian engineers had assimilated the technology by the 1960s so that they were able to modify it enough to produced ammonium perchlorate. (See The 13th Element for an amusing account of the “match wars” in the late 1800s that created the Swedish Match Company and helped motivate it to form joint ventures around the world.) So we are bound to miss some important sectors when we search for clues about a country’s existing infrastructure that can contribute to their technology assimilation ability.

Iran’s Academic Composites Infrastructure

Google Scholar searches for various terms associated with advanced composite materials and “Tehran” results in a great number of academic papers originating from Iranian scientists and engineers. These papers contain both “theoretical” and experimental work; the later is particularly important for engineering subjects since they demonstrate a significant level of “tacit knowledge” so necessary to actually producing things. (Please also see my post on missile development consortiums as well.) I am not qualified to judge these papers’ scientific merit, but note the range of universities and the extensive academic infrastructure devoted to material sciences linked to few papers I’ve seen (this definitely not an exhaustive list; see the Wikipedia listing for Iranian universities):

Amirkabir University of Technology
-Department of Polymer Engineering
-Mechanical Engineering Department
-Department of Mining and Metallurgical Engineering

University of Tehran

-School of Metallurgy and Materials, Faculty of Engineering

Iran University of Science and Technology

-School of Materials

—Ceramic Division

Tarbiat Modarres University

-Department of Materials Engineering

Islamic Azad University

-Department of Chemistry

University of Malek Ashtar

International University of Imam Khomeini

Kashan University

-Institute of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology

Research Centers:

-Iran Color Research Center

-Iran Polymer and Petrochemical Institute

-Materials and Energy Research Center

************************

Can it really be doubted that Iran is capable of producing its own advanced composite jet vanes? It has the scientific infrastructure and, by now, a large supply of very well trained scientists and engineers in this subject. If Iran did import the initial production line, it was only to minimize risk of failure much as the US did after World War II with V2 technology. They clearly have the know-how and infrastructure to assimilate this technology at almost any level and improve on it. (As an aside, this advanced composite infrastructure can be easily applied to Iran’s nuclear centrifuge production.) This is an example of the new proliferation environment that we must adapt to instead of stubbornly insisting that the old supply-side nonproliferation regimes are good enough.

Post Series: Proliferation Case Study #1

This series of posts consists of:
0) Do You Know What This Thing Is?

1) Iranian Furnances

2) The Jet Vane Hypothesis

3) The How of Proliferation, Part 1

4) The How of Proliferation, Part 2

5) Iran’s Composites Infrastructure

Comment [15]

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Yesterday, I started to present a framework to think about how proliferators get the know-how and industrial infrastructure necessary to make weapons of mass destruction. This framework has proved very helpful to me in understanding various WMD programs. It becomes more predictive when combined with two competitive forces: the need for proliferators to minimize risk of failure—something all industrial projects have in common—and the need for secrecy. Minimizing risk of failure can be most easily accomplished by utilizing foreign assistance from people who have already produced WMD, or something very similar to it, as much as possible. As has been pointed out by many studies on the transfer of civilian technology, this is the best way of acquiring new industries. Unfortunately for the proliferator, he usually wants to minimize the number of foreigners who know about his programs. Enter the proliferation profiteer. A. Q. Khan is the best know example of this but such profiteers have played important roles in a large number of WMD programs.

What Proliferators Want: Minimal Risk of Failure

Many things can go wrong when embarking on a complex technological venture, which almost by definition emerging proliferators have little or no previous experience with. This is especially true of independent innovation where you could very easily spend billions of dollars and not end up with a weapon. Consider the dismay that occurred when the Manhattan project first discovered how radioactive plutonium was; it was not at all clear if plutonium was going to be useable for a weapon. This is well documented and dramatized in the first chapter of Critical Assembly. If you are going to spend billions on a project, you want to minimize the risk of failure. The Manhattan Project minimized risk by running so many development projects in parallel. (I think this parallelism can go a far way in explaining the Iraqi Supergun project.) It is also why the United States, the country that first invented the liquid propellant rocket engine, shoved aside its indigenous missile development program as it grabbed Germany’s rocket scientists and as much of their production plants as they could at the end of the Second World War.

It’s not clear that proliferators always think this through, however. The temptation to try to reverse engineer something appears to be too great and of them attempt such projects before they have fully assimilated the production technology. Both Iraq and India (see the discussion of India’s Project Devil in Raj Chengappa’s Weapons of Peace ) tried and failed to reverse engineer the SCUD. In fact, I believe that both had difficulty simply understanding how the missile functioned much less reproducing the production line needed to build it. (But that is another full posting all together.)

The Problem(s) of Secrecy

When we think of secrecy and WMD, we usually think of the efforts to prevent the spread of the key secret, such as the chemical formula for VX or the number of neutrons released in a fission. That, unfortunately, misses the point and more than a wiff of jingosim. Those sorts of secrets will always get out and really don’t represent a key problem for proliferators. Their major concern with secrecy is to prevent their activities from becoming known to the outside world. After all, the main reason we know about the Libyan nuclear program is because A. Q. Khan’s shipments were detected by the international community. The dilemma for proliferators is, if they don’t use foreign assistance, they dramatically increase the chances of program failure.

Schmucker’s Ideas, the MTCR, and this Framework

Unfortunately, too little of Schmucker’s ideas have been published in English. If I was to summarize his main points (and I would welcome corrections on this from him or his associates) they include the following (again, I am sure I am simplifying here):

1) Reverse engineering is hard.

2) North Korea has performed far too few flight tests even for a development path based on reverse engineering.

3) When Schmucker reconstructs the development timeline for each missile, it seems far too short for a realistic development program.

4) North Korea does not have the visible industrial infrastructure to sustain a missile development program.

5) There is an uncanny resemblance between the missiles “fielded” by North Korea and obsolete Soviet missiles. (I don’t want to get into the discussion some wonk-readers have had about obsolete vs. abandoned designs.)

From these observations, he draws the conclusion that the North Koreans are getting their “missiles” from Russia. I think he makes a compelling case. For instance, the similarities are simply too great to believe otherwise. (See my post on the Safir’s second stage turbopump, for instance.) However, in the framework I have been discussing, this does not imply incompetence on the part of North Korea. Instead, it simply means that they might have followed the path to acquisition of missile technology that has historically proven to work the best. The lack of visible infrastructure might also imply that the DPRK is not making much effort to assimilate the technology. Iran seems much more interested in that. However, it also does not mean that the North Koreans are simply purchasing missile components. I think the most likely scenario is that they are purchasing “production lines” as well as the know-how to make the missiles. Know-how is a well defined commercial commodity and is purchased daily in joint ventures. It can include things as simple as documentation or be as extensive on-site training for the shop-floor workers.

Finally, let me just say that selling a production line piecemeal (even if it is to the same buyer) is very different than selling missile components in terms of getting it past a country’s export controls. Both might be disallowed under the MTCR, but at least milling machines are dual use. And it is much, much simpler to reverse engineer a production, where you can just order another copy of a specific milling machine, than it is to reverse engineer the missile.

This series of posts was supposed to end today with a discussion of Iran’s state of knowledge in an industrial sector adjunct to missile development: advanced composite material. Ending it today would have allowed me to disappear out of internet contact for a few days. Since that is going to happen no matter what, the last post in this series will have to be postponed until sometime next week.

Thanks for putting up with these long, theoretical posts! I have some ideas for shorter, more fun posts starting next week.

This series of posts consists of:
0) Do You Know What This Thing Is?

1) Iranian Furnances

2) The Jet Vane Hypothesis

3) The How of Proliferation, Part 1

4) The How of Proliferation, Part 2

5) Iran’s Composites Infrastructure

Comment [13]

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click on the image for a larger version

After all the information that has come to light about proliferation programs around the world, I think we are in a position to say what are some of the key factors that lead some countries to be successful and some to fail miserably in their pursuits of WMD. I have tried to systematize my thoughts on this into the very RAND-like drawing shown above. There are three important, independent axes in this drawing or theory. One is how much foreign “assistance” the proliferator receives in terms of the “product.” Another is how much foreign assistance he receives in the production line. The final important criterion, represented by the vertical axis in the diagram, is the existing state of knowledge in the country. It is very important to keep these two types of foreign assistance separate in one’s mind. A few examples should make it clearer, I hope.

The Three Axes of Proliferation

Reverse engineering represents the maximum assistance a proliferator can receive in the product alone: he gets—either by hook or by crook—a copy of missile, for instance, and takes it apart, measures the dimensions of all the parts, tries to determine their composition (not an easy task!), and then tries, on his own, to reconstruct the assembly line that made the thing in the first place. Note that the reverse engineer has no idea what the tolerances are on any of the components unless he also receives the blueprints, but that is often not what people mean by reverse engineering. In fact, reverse engineering, while very popular with politicians as being the proliferation danger facing the Western world, has a very poor track record as far as a proliferator actually using it to produce a missile or poison gas etc. I could give plenty of examples of this but I will limit myself to pointing to Iraq’s less than stellar performance in reverse engineering SCUD-type engines. After trying for about 15 years to reverse engineer either SCUD or SA-2 engines, Iraq gave up and imported several hundred just before the 2002 Second Gulf War because they simply could not produce enough, quickly enough, to use.

A proliferation profiteer who sells a “turnkey” production plant, on the other hand, is selling assistance in both the product (the missile) and the production line. A. Q. Khan is perhaps the most famous of these profiteers but he is far from the only example. Iraq desperately sought turnkey plants from both Imperial Chemical Industries and Pfaudler during the 1970s but was ultimately rebuffed by both. (It eventually found a small group of people to build its chemical plants for it, known at least part of the time as Pilot Plant.)

Purchasing turnkey plants is the most successful way of transferring technology to a developing country. This is true for WMD and it is true for civilian products as well, as has been amply researched in the case of South Korea, who started their civilian industrial development by leasing technology from developed countries, moved on to joint ventures, and finally—after thoroughly assimilating the technology—independent innovation. (This is very ably discussed by Linsu Kim in his book Imitation to Innovation. ) This introduces the third axis on this graph, the level of existing knowledge in the country.

Obviously, somebody has to innovate in the creation of a new product or a new weapon of mass destruction. The classic case is the United States creating the atomic bomb. I class this as having no “foreign assistance” even though the US benefited tremendously from non-citizens contributing to the project because by foreign assistance I mean somebody who has already done it, produced the WMD. The Manhattan project was, instead, an international collaboration and nobody had the answer ahead of time.

Improve and Advance

So far, I’ve only talked about the proliferator’s starting point. There is both a natural tendency as well as (usually) a desire to assimilate the technology, adapting it to local conditions and improving on it. How fast and how well this is done depends where on this plot the proliferator started, which includes their pre-existing knowledge. I have shown reverse engineering as a point with both maximum foreign assistance on the product (the missile say) and zero foreign help with the production process as well as a significant amount of pre-existing knowledge. For successful use of reverse engineering, that pre-existing knowledge had better be a through understanding of the production processes implied by the product.

Unfortunately for the proliferator, they have a tendency to start on a development path with too little knowledge. It turns out that how fast a nation can assimilate a new technology depends very heavily on where they start on this plot. Iraq, for instance, started reverse engineering SCUD-type engines with far too little familiarity with production techniques and were never able truly assimilate that technology. Their chemical weapons program also started with far too little existing knowledge but there you can see dramatic improvements each time they got foreign assistance so it makes a very interesting case study.

Tomorrow and Tomorrow

I had thought that tomorrow I would return to the Iranian case study and examine the existing infrastructure, in both academia and industry, for producing fiber reinforced ceramic composites. (Some eager wonk-readers have already started to analyze this!) But I want to continue this theoretical discussion a little bit more with discussions on two forces that drive the technological arc taken by proliferators: minimizing risk and maintaining secrecy. These act in opposite directions and are important drivers of how proliferators progress. I’d also like to discuss how Robert Schmucker’s ideas fit into this framework. His work contains much more than simply pointing to the lack of flight tests in North Korea, though I will certainly not be able to do his theory the justice it deserves. But discussing Schmucker’s work lets me also discuss the MTCR and what I call the “new proliferation environment” caused by the spread of precision engineering.

Sorry about the length of this post!

This series of posts consists of:
0) Do You Know What This Thing Is?

1) Iranian Furnances

2) The Jet Vane Hypothesis

3) The How of Proliferation, Part 1

4) The How of Proliferation, Part 2

5) Iran’s Composites Infrastructure

Comment [15]

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Iraqi destructive quality control test on jet vanes using two different imported batches of graphite. See UNMOVIC’s Compendium, Chapter IV, pp. 739-740.

As any regular read of my posts on ACW will know, I have a love/hate relationship with jet vanes. That is partly why I was so attracted to the hypothesis that the Iranian furnace that is the subject of this proliferation case study (or PCS; you have Theresa Hitchens to thank for my over-use of acronyms) is used for their production. Yesterday, I considered the hypothesis that the furnace shown in the video on the production of the Iranian Safir rocket was used for brazing together the inner and out shells of the Safir’s liquid propellant engines. Today, I want to take up the alternative hypothesis, that the furnace is used at some step in the production of graphite reinforced ceramic composite jet vanes. But first some background.

Historical Examples of Production Problems

The image above shows Iraqi fabricated graphite jet vanes used in a static test of the Al Samoud II, which uses a single SA-2/Volga liquid propellant engine. But they were not totally indigenous. In particular, Iraq was not able to manufacture the graphite but instead imported graphite blocks that it then machined into shape. This test, where vane material imported from one country were compared with vane material imported from another, was intended to show that the quality (density? purity? monolithic integrity?) from one source was not sufficient to allow them to be used for jet vanes. The two jet vanes of the acceptable batch survived the test while those from the country that exported the unacceptable batch completely failed. They could have failed for any number of reasons, all of which might fall under the heading of thermal shock or corrosion. The interesting thing, though, is that Iraq was apparently not able to test this quality nondestructively. That implies that they had not issued, and probably not able to issue, a specification that could have been used for the graphite manufacture and quality acceptance. We can conclude that Iraq’s pre-existing knowledge, to borrow a term from tomorrow’s posting, was not very great.

Jet vane suitable for use in solid-propellant rocket exhaust made from carbon-ceramic composites.

****

If, as rumored, Iran is using carbon-ceramic composite jet vanes, then they have opened the door to a material that is much, much more resistant to thermal shock and oxidation etc. than simple graphite jet vanes. In fact, they could be using the same type of jet vanes for both their liquid propellant rockets and the Sajil solid-propellant missile if they use what is know as Chemical Vapor Deposit (or CVD) using silicon and carbon, SiC. Jet vanes for solid propellant missiles operate in a particularly difficult environment considering the eroding effects of molten aluminum blobs hitting the vanes. If the Iranians are manufacturing their own, then they have almost certainly assimilated an important adjunct technological base. (Again borrowing terminology from tomorrow’s post.)

Details of Jet Vane Production Process

Let’s assume, for the moment, that they are using CVD-SiC. What would that production process look like? First, the vanes would not have to be manufactured in a single step. In fact, they almost certainly would be manufactured in two or more steps. The first steps could be grouped together as fabricating the fiber “pre-form,” which have essentially the final shape of the jet vanes. Since these vane pre-forms are fairly complex shapes, they are probably formed in high pressure/high temperature molds. This is not the step that is shown in the video. The next step could be to remove the pre-form’s temporary matrix, essentially burning it out by a process known as pyrolysis. This could be the step shown in the video but it is more likely that the video shows the next step, deposition of a ceramic matrix in the place of the temporary matrix removed in the last step. This step most likely involves, especially for complex shapes, placing the pre-form in a very low pressure atmosphere of methyltrichlorosilane (MTS or ) with hydrogen as a “carrier” gas. This is typically done with temperatures between 800 to 900 degrees C and pressures on the order of 0.1 atmospheres. This explains the cylindrical shape of the furnace “insert:” it supports the nearly one atmosphere pressure outside the cylinder. (See Chapter 6 of the Handbook of Ceramic Composites.)

The typical temperatures are lower than we determined yesterday for the furnace but not excessively so. Interestingly, based on the ribs on the end caps of the cylinder, it is clearly intended to support a pressure difference between the inside and outside. However, the outer rim of the cylinder, which has little reinforcement, indicates that the pressure difference is probably no greater than a single atmosphere, consistent with the vapor deposition parameters.

This doesn’t prove that the furnace is used for producing jet vanes; only that it is consistent with that use. We will continue this discussion on Thursday, when we talk about Iran’s pre-existing knowledge related to composites. However, we will need some theoretical background before that; background that I will present tomorrow as the theoretical underpinnings for how successful proliferators acquire the know-how to produce technologically sophisticated WMD and the means to deliver it.

This series of posts consists of:
0) Do You Know What This Thing Is?

1) Iranian Furnances

2) The Jet Vane Hypothesis

3) The How of Proliferation, Part 1

4) The How of Proliferation, Part 2

5) Iran’s Composites Infrastructure

Comment [12]

Photo of geoffrey_forden

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Closeup of the cylinder removed from an Iranian furnace.

A while ago, I asked if anybody knew what the purpose of a furnace shown in an Iranian video covering the construction of the Safir-Omid space launcher was. Answering this question, as well understanding several other interesting scenes in the video, could help provide a better understanding of Iran’s indigenous production capabilities. This, in turn, has important implications for policy choices in such disparate fields as export controls and missile defense. Several interesting suggestions were made, which I list below as hypotheses:

1. Brazing (a form of soldering) together the inner and outer shells of a rocket motor. I had originally thought this might be for the smaller second stage engines but it was also suggested that it might be for the larger first stage engine; a Nodong engine.

2. Manufacturing fiber reinforced ceramic matrix composite jet vanes. Iran’s ability to manufacture jet vanes, for both liquid and solid propellant missiles, is important in understanding how sensitive they might be to targeted sanctions or the MTCR (Missile Technology Control Regime).

3. An as yet undetermined purpose. This catch all hypothesis is a logical necessity. As we shall see, it possible to rule out one of these hypotheses while not positively confirming the other.

Let’s now turn to each hypothesis in turn.

Engine Brazing Hypothesis
The cylinder, which in this hypothesis, could either be for forming a vacuum or supplying a special atmosphere (such as argon) for brazing the inner and outer shells together. In this hypothesis, the furnace has heated the cylinder with the engine inside it to a temperature above the melting (liquidus) temperature of the brazing filler material (the equivalent of the solder) but, of necessity, less than the melting point of the materials—the engine shells—being brazed together. Typical brazing temperatures for stainless steel are about 1100 degrees C.

Fortunately, the video can be used to estimate the minimum temperature of the furnace by gauging the color of cylinder’s metal. (See the image at the top of this post.) The cylinder has recently been removed from the furnace and allowed to cool for an indeterminate period of time. The cylinder has cooled off first at its outer radius, retaining a hot inner core while the support cylinder, presumably made of stainless steel, has not conducted much heat away from the cylinder. That, too, is a property of stainless steel. The cylinder’s lemon-colored inner core, surrounded by cooler cherry red fading to dark red metal, indicates the furnace’s temperature was at least 1000 degrees C, consistent with brazing stainless steel. Interestingly, it rules out the cylinder being used, at this time, for brazing the copper based second stage engines since that would melt the material. (See my post on missile development consortiums for a discussion, especially in the comments, of the material used for fabricating the second stage engines.)

An Iranian “Nodong” engine with an outline of the furnace cylinder with the correct aspect ratio shown in yellow.

However, brazing the first stage engine can also be ruled out as unlikely because of the relative dimensions, the aspect ratio, of the cylinder: it appears that the cylinder probably cannot fit an entire Nodong engine into its volume. That argument is somewhat too narrow and technical even for my techno-wonk posts so I have provided a link for the die-hard technical types here.

Tomorrow, I will consider the possibility of Iran using this furnace for producing carbon-fiber reinforced ceramic matrix composite jet vanes for thrust vector control of its missiles. Unfortunately, I cannot be definitive about that hypothesis the way I can with the brazing hypothesis and thus it still remains possible that the furnace is being used for something totally different. However, I want to explore the composite jet vanes hypothesis in more detail so there will several more posts in this series after that. I promise that the more political science types will (I hope) find these interesting as two days from now I will present a theoretical framework for understanding how states get the know-how and industrial infrastructure for producing WMD and the means to deliver it.

This series of posts consists of:
0) Do You Know What This Thing Is?

1) Iranian Furnances

2) The Jet Vane Hypothesis

3) The How of Proliferation, Part 1

4) The How of Proliferation, Part 2

5) Iran’s Composites Infrastructure

Comment [13]

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