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The Second CWC Review Conference (2008) has a nice website and some excellent live blogging by Cheryl Voss and Daniel Feakes.

Somehow, though, they both missed (I stand corrected). Cheryl Vos noticed an extraordinary statement by the Dutch Foreign Minister regarding his hopes and dreams for the OPCW:

One of the world’s best ice hockey players, the Canadian Wayne Gretzky, once said that a good hockey player plays where the puck is; but a great hockey player plays where the puck is going to be. The ambition of this review conference should be to turn the OPCW from a good player into a great player. Understanding the future and preparing for it are key. I wish you a most productive conference.

All of this raises the natural question, of course, do the Dutch play ice hockey?

The answer, as the picture above suggests, turns out to be “yes” — though not very well. That’s a Dutch goalie, letting a pick slip by, in a 3-1 loss to mighty Kazakhstan.

Wonders never cease.

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I really love WMD Insights.

I’ve been meaning to link to a recent article by Markus Binder tracking how the IC has toned down its assessment of Iran’s CW capabilities:

In the Sec. 721 report covering the first half of 2003, released in November 2003, we see the beginnings of a process of declining certainty associated with descriptions of Iranian CW activity and capabilities. The report states that Iran “likely has already stockpiled blister, blood, choking, and probably nerve agents” retreating slightly from the previous bald assertion that Iran “has” a CW stockpile. [17] A further reduction is seen in the Sec. 721 report for the second half of 2003, released in November 2004. This report confines itself to stating that “Iran may have already stockpiled blister, blood, choking, and possibly nerve agents.” [18]

Finally, in the most recent Sec. 721 report, publicly released in May 2006, but covering activities in 2004, all reference to stockpiles and delivery systems was removed. All that remained was the statement that Iran “continued to seek production technology, training, and expertise from foreign entities that could further Tehran’s efforts to achieve an indigenous capability to produce nerve agents.” [19] Although Sec. 721 reports are supposed to be released annually, the DNI has not publicly released an update since May 2006, and it is therefore not possible to determine whether or not DNI has maintained or modified its 2004 position. The changes in the CIA’s public reports alone are insufficient to reach a conclusion about the wider U.S. intelligence community’s contemporary assessment of Iran’s CW program or its capabilities. Fortunately, although there have been no further releases from the CIA, we do have access to the assessments of at least two other U.S. government agencies for the period 2004 to 2007.

We now have two more 721 reports from 2005 and 2006. Although both demonstrate the declining trend identified by Binder, the 2006 report contains the judgment that Iran “maintains a small, covert CW stockpile.”

Now, the old estimate was that Iran had “several thousand tons” of CW weapons. So, I started to wonder, what makes a chemical weapons stockpile large? After all, as Secretary Powell observed, “Even the low end of 100 tons of agent would enable Saddam Hussein to cause mass casualties across more than 100 square miles of territory, an area nearly 5 times the size of Manhattan.”

Oh, sorry for bringing that up. I feel all weird and awkward now.

As it turns out, “large” is a pretty elastic term that has been used to describe Libya (23 metric tons), pre-1991 Iraq (690 metric tons) and Russia (40,000 metric tons).

What’s the over/under on the size of the Iranian CW stockpile? 1 ton? 10? 1/10th?

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Yesterday’s Global Security Newswire has a hilarious story about a Laboratory Preparedness Survey in 2007 (an exercise in which labs are required to identify an unknown pathogen). Obviously, it’s funny for all the wrong reasons. Here’s a taster (or should that be a sniff):

Written instructions included with the testing kits directed laboratory personnel to handle the samples using safety cabinets inside the confines of a Biosafety Level 3 facility. However, not all workers handled the material safely, some going so far as to smell open culture plates while trying to identify the unknown material, according to documents.
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Since I’ve been blogging talking and talking so much about Curveball and Bob Drogin’s excellent book of the same name, I thought I should link to the excellent document cache posted by our friends at the National Security Archive.

The Record On Curveball: Declassified Documents and Key Participants Show the Importance of Phony Intelligence in the Origins of the Iraq War, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 234, edited by John Prados, November 5, 2007.

PS: I think we are going to have Bob Drogin here at the New America Foundation to give a talk — probably December 4.

Details to follow.

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Friend of wonk Jackie Shire sends along this lament about the passing of the much maligned UNMOVIC:

With a whimper …

Jacqueline Shire

I should be in a good mood—it’s Friday and I have family coming this weekend for several birthdays and a cupcake taste test (long story involving my chef mother, and the relative merits of Magnolia Bakery vs. Cupcake Café’s buttercream icing).

But I’m not. Because the Security Council adopted a resolution today formally disbanding UNMOVIC, the United Nations Monitoring and Verification Inspection Commission.

Of course the hunt for Iraq’s WMD is over. Denied a role in the post-war WMD search, UNMOVIC inspectors have been working away at UN headquarters, in ever dwindling numbers, continuing to examine satellite imagery and issue quarterly reports to the Security Council. Not that their efforts should be laughably dismissed—they have warned persuasively, for example, of the risks posed by poorly secured chemical and biological weapons sites and the insurgents who one imagines would love to find a little forgotten but still potent mustard agent. The final word on UNMOVIC’s work is contained in a giant 1,000-page compendium, which Ewen Buchanan promises is “bold and honest” with no attempt to “shy away from the mistakes and difficulties encountered” by inspectors.

The loss of UNMOVIC is meaningful in a larger sense. Here is a collection of skilled experts with experience in WMD monitoring, inspections and verification, and whose pre-war assessments of Iraq’s WMD programs were, need anyone be reminded, untainted by dogma and gulp, accurate. There are the calls for establishing a permanent UN body to monitor WMD. Richard Butler’s op-ed in today’s NYT mentions a report by the United Nations Association and Canada’s Trevor Findlay, whose Center for Treaty Compliance has called for a standing UN verification body. The problem, of course, is the U.S. allergy to multilateral institutions with the word verification anywhere in their mandate.

Perhaps the speed with which this resolution was tabled and brought to a vote (two months, or lightening speed in UN time), has caught the arms control and nonproliferation crowd off guard. Reportedly, Ambassador Khalilzad promised the Iraqi government that revoking the UNMOVIC mandate would be high on his agenda when he arrived at the UN. Iraq wants to close this chapter and retrieve its escrow money from the old oil-for-food accounts which were paying UNMOVIC’s bills. Sadly, there have been no accompanying efforts to forge a new identity for UNMOVIC.

So this weekend, in between birthday toasts, I will offer a quiet one to all the current and former UNSCOM and UNMOVIC inspectors, staff and supporters.

Sadly, our friends over at ThinkProgress chose to focus on the partisan aspect about the decision to shutter UNMOVIC, with commentators expressing a little too much glee over the final failure to find significant evidence of proscribed weapons activity in Iraq.

Our friend Michael Roston forwarded the ThinkProgress post to me, asking “Is this really a good thing?”

No, man, it sucks.

This blog has long supported a different approach—Hans Blix’s proposal to keep UNMOVIC’s talent together as sort of an international verification team for biological weapons and missiles that would complement chemical and nuclear expertise maintained by the OPCW and IAEA.

Dismantling UNMOVIC just means that we get to reinvent the wheel with future ad hoc inspectorates, something we may regret in the event North Korea agrees to shutter its missile programs as the Clinton Administration had sought.

UNMOVIC had a good track record. Among other things, these are the guys who figured out “Curveball” was full of it.

This blog, of course, wasn’t alone in recognizing the value that UNMOVIC retained. Other proposals to keep around UNMOVIC included:

  • Frank Ronald Cleminson, Modelling a New International Regime for Monitoring and Verification of Compliance: Drawing from Experience in Iraq 1991-2004 (2004)
  • Trevor Findlay. “Preserving UNMOVIC: The Institutional Possibilities,” Disarmament Diplomacy 76 (March/April 2004).
  • Barbara Hatch Rosenberg, “Enforcing WMD treaties: consolidating a UN role,” Disarmament Diplomacy 75 (January/February 2004).
  • Terence Taylor, “Lessons from UNSCOM and UNMOVIC,” Disarmament Diplomacy 75 (January/February 2004).
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This is not Nam. This is bowling. There are rules.

Five years after the United States brought an early end to a review of an international treaty banning biological weapons, conference delegates have resurrected a casualty of that diplomatic breakdown (see GSN, Nov. 20).

It is not, however, a resumption of discussion of treaty verification measures, the issue that brought the 2001 meeting to jarring halt before a final declaration on the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention had been completed. That issue has been largely laid to rest.

Last week, Swiss, Dutch and Malaysian officials brought back the tradition of diplomatic bowling, a quirk apparently unique to this treaty’s meetings and stretching back at least to 1998, and perhaps to 1996 depending on whom you ask.

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The Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation will be blogging the 2006 Biological Weapons Convention Review Conference.

Cool!

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I love this part of today’s BW piece by Joby Warrick:

Current and former administration officials say that compliance with the treaty hinges on intent, and that making small amounts of biowarfare pathogens for study is permitted under a broad interpretation of the treaty. Some also argue that the need for a strong biodefense in an age of genetic engineering trumps concerns over what they see as legal hair-splitting.

“How can I go to the people of this country and say, ‘I can’t do this important research because some arms-control advocate told me I can’t’?” asked [Penrose “Parney”] Albright, the former Homeland Security assistant secretary.

I guess he could consider that whole “law” thing that such advocates are probably thinking about, but whatever.

FYI, Jonathan Tucker dropped some relevant knowledge about the lab in question a couple years ago.

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Robert Joseph, Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, gave the luncheon address here at the Carnegie Nonproliferation Conference.

He actually described the US decision to sink the BWC draft protocol as “an act of leadership more than unilateralism.”

The draft protocol would have provided a mechanism to verify the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention through three provisions:

  • Declarations by state parties concerning facilities and activities,
  • Visits and clarification procedures to verify declarations, and
  • Investigations, including field investigations to confirm suspected use of biological agents and facility investigations to verify that prohibited activities are not being conducted.

At the time, Arms Control Today published an article-by-article analysis and a paper by John Steinbruner, Stacy Okutani and Nancy Gallagher.

The Bush Administration claimed that the protocol would reveal sensitive information about US biodefense efforts, compromise export controls and endanger proprietary information. At the core of the Bush Administration’s position was a fear that certain states might take advantage of cooperation to improve offensive BW programs.

Washington sent John Bolton to deliver one of his more bombastic performances, calling the protocol “dead in our view. Dead, and it is not going to be resurrected. It has proven to be a blind alley.”

Joseph—Bolton’s successor as the top US arms control diplomat—resumed that line of argument today, in service of defending the Bush Administration’s record on arms control. Joseph warned the verification protocol would have led to “a false sense of security.”

Joseph’s talk, however, was so 1972. He acted like he was still freaked out the mineshaft gap.

I, on the other hand, have a totally different BW fear.

China announced plans to kill 6 million birds within 3 km of a site in Liaoning province where the H5N1 virus recently appeared. Avian flu could result in a human influenza pandemic that could kill tens, perhaps hundreds, of millions of people.

This past September, China’s National Center for Biotechnology Development organized a conference on Bioeconomy that included a parallel session on biosafety organized in part by China’s biodefense program, including representatives from China’s biodefense facility at the Academy of Military Medical Sciences (AMMS) Institute of Microbiology and Epidemiology.

This was a huge step in terms of transparency for the Chinese, which I think demonstrates just how scared they are about H5N1. They need, and want, help.

The Bush Administration should take notice of that little fact, stop obssessing about phantom BW programs and focus on the real killer at our door.

Bob Joseph just doesn’t “get it”. And that means millions of people might “get” something worse.

Over on the Carnegie website, I’ve got a post about Richard Rhodes’ discussion of the War Scare of the 1983 and I’ll be writing something about the panel that I am currently attending entitled, The Taboos, Secrets, and Hidden History of Nuclear Weapons.

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Read “The Next Killer Flu” by National Geographic’s
Tim Appenzeller with photographs by Lynn Johnson.

Some analysts claiming to be “tough” on security are just “stupid” on security.

One class of wonks define “security” narrowly, restricting threats to the deliberate acts—the acts of “evil doers.”

The Washington Times printed a perfect example recently. One of CIA Director Porter Goss’ lieutenants accused the the CIA of being weak on China:

Fixing CIA’s analysis system will be an even bigger challenge for Mr. Goss.

One official told us the problem is highlighted by the agency’s weak analysis on China, despite efforts to improve it. At CIA “they think the biggest threat from China is bird flu,” said one official who is critical of the agency.

If Porter Goss doesn’t think Bird Flu—the H5N1 virus—is among the biggest threats facing international security today, he’s definitely stupid on security.

Arms Control Wonk has long worried about the threat posed by avian flu:

The twentieth century suffered three influenza pandemics:

  • 1918 (Spanish influenza, H1N1)
  • 1957 (Asian influenza, H2N2)
  • 1968 (Hong Kong influenza, H3N2)

The 1918 outbreak probably killed between 50-100 M people. The Center for Disease Control (CDC) estimates that a new global influenza pandemic could kill between 2-8 million people worldwide. The World Health Organization (WHO) is using the CDC estimate, which assumes a relatively “mild” strain like 1968. Other researchers believe the total could be much, much higher the 1918 pandemic.

National Georgraphic, by chance, has a very readable discussion of H5N1 this month.

Although he was writing about rats and the plague, Albert Camus could have been writing about fowl and flu:

Écoutant, en effet, les cris d’allégresse qui montaient de la ville, Rieux se souvenait que cette allégresse était toujours menacée. Car il savait ce que cette foule en joie ignorait, et qu’on peut lire dans les livres, que le bacille de la peste ne meurt ni ne disparaît jamais, qu’il peut rester pendant des dizaines d’années endormi dans les meubles et le linge, qu’il attend patiemment dans les chambres, les caves, les malles ,les mouchoirs et les paperasses. et que, peut-être, le jour viendrait où, pour le malheur et l’enseignement des hommes, la peste réveillerait ses rats et les enverrait mourir dans une cité heureuse.

***

Reasonable folks can, of course, disagree about how to deal with this threat.

The most recent The State Department Bureau of Verification and Compliance “annual” report concerning Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control, Nonproliferation and Disarmament Agreements seems to take the view that all biodefense efforts are inherently suspicious.

China seems to be leaning the other way. This past September, China’s National Center for Biotechnology Development organized a conference on Bioeconomy.

The conference included a parallel session on biosafety organized in part by China’s biodefense program, including representatives from China’s biodefense facility at the Academy of Military Medical Sciences (AMMS) Institute of Microbiology and Epidemiology (IME).

IME invited my boss, John Steinbruner, to talk about improving transparency among biodefense facilities. John argued—and I think he’s right—that the greatest threat from biodefense programs comes from suspicion—your defensive effort might look very offensive to me:

The greater problem arises from national government programs conducting threat assessment activities that are protected from international scrutiny by national security classification. There has been a surge of such activity in the United States in reaction to the malicious use of anthrax in 2001, but other governments are undertaking apparently similar efforts. That process generates reverberating suspicion and creates conditions under which competitive national government programs might create the threats they imagine they are attempting to defeat. The best protection against that danger is to conduct all threat assessment research under public health jurisdiction and rules of transparency.

As if to prove that point, the Compliance Report identified China’s Academy of Military Medical Sciences (AMMS) Institute of Microbiology and Epidemiology (IME) in Beijing as an “acknowledged … biodefense research facility” that ‘could be associated with an offensive BW program.” (China declared the facility under the BWC, which permits rather extensive biodefense efforts.)

If the idea of accusing a state of an offensive BW program on flimsy grounds sounds familiar, it is: In June 2002, then-Undersecretary of State for Arms Control John Bolton gave a barn burning speech about Cuba’s BW effort that turned out to be, well, bullshit (more).

***

John’s conference program also contained a one page description fo China’s State Key Laboratory of Pathogen and Biosecurity.

Here is the full text of his talk:

The Protective Oversight of Highly Consequential Biological Research
John Steinbruner
University of Maryland

Prepared for the Biosafety Parallel Session
International High-Level Forum on Bioeconomy
Beijing, China
September 14 – 16, 2005

The fundamental problem of biosafety arises from two circumstances: First, it is generally evident that the momentum of discovery in molecular biology in particular is simultaneously enabling therapeutic and destructive applications of extraordinary potential consequence. But, second, no one is able to judge with assurance the exact character or extent of those consequences. Speaking of the human species as a whole, we have collectively initiated the acquisition of knowledge whose ultimate consequences we cannot determine. We have therefore created problems of prudential management we are not as yet either conceptually or institutionally prepared to handle. I understand this forum to be a welcome and important instance of the presumably lengthy effort that will ultimately be required to respond to this situation.

Admittedly technical capability, particularly destructive capability has often exceeded understanding over the course of history, and one can plausibly argue that situations of that sort are a recurring feature of the human condition. Nonetheless this situation does appear to be unprecedented both in character and in magnitude. For the first time in all of history, one species has identified the dynamics of basic life processes in sufficient detail to be able to intervene with some degree of deliberateness in the process of evolution itself. But that capacity is not and will not be accompanied by an ability to understand all the implications. It already seems evident that hundreds of millions of individual lives might in principle be enhanced, salvaged, degraded, manipulated or terminated depending on how advanced knowledge is applied. It is conceivable that the viability of the human species as a whole and of the global ecology on which it depends might be at stake. In the end that may not prove to be correct, but it is prudent to assume that it could be.

If we admit that much, as I believe we are obliged to do, then we are also obliged to imagine a constructive response to the situation. And in doing so we are justified in assuming that the magnitude of potential consequence might eventually induce much more substantial innovation than we would be inclined to expect if current attitudes and institutional arrangements were the exclusive source of guidance. With those observations in mind, I want to outline the criteria required both to establish effective protection against the destructive potential of biotechnology and also to assure full development of its benefits with reasonably equitable access to those benefits. I believe those two purposes – effective protection and equitable access – ultimately depend on each other, despite the natural inclination to purse one at the expense of the other.

The Basic Principle

Since the potential for beneficial and destructive application of biotechnology cannot be categorically disentangled, organized protection depends on reinforcing a fundamental principle of behavior already widely supported: namely, that biotechnology should not be used to do deliberate harm under any circumstance for any reason. That prohibition would apply not only to lethal applications but also to non-lethal uses undertaken for coercive purposes. It would also apply to stealthy manipulation. Do no harm is the core principle of the Hippocratic Oath that has been recognized since ancient times. It is also the core principle that underlies prohibition of the use of biological weapons promulgated in the 1925 Geneva Protocol and of the possession of such weapons embodied in the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention. Although neither of those agreements enjoys universal legal adherence, no country currently proclaims the right or the intention to deploy biological weapons. Some have refused to renounce that right as long as nuclear weapons are deployed, but that is not the same as asserting it. The basic principle is already in practice a universal norm, and it could be substantially strengthened with a dedicated effort to do so.

Procedural Rules

The principal method for assuring compliance with the basic principle is also well established. In virtually all areas of human activity where misapplication of significant capability is a serious concern, requirements for independent oversight are imposed. Banks are audited so that they do not divert the money they are entrusted to manage. As best we can judge, no single individual anywhere in the world is ever allowed exclusive control over a nuclear weapon. The leading scientific journals do not publish research results without independent review of their credibility. The degree of vigor with which independent review is exercised is generally related to the degree of concern over misapplication, and that concern, of course, reflects judgments both of probability and of the magnitude of consequence. In some areas of biological research the magnitude of potentially destructive consequence is truly enormous, unprecedentedly so in fact, and the probability of occurrence, however it might be discounted, cannot be determined to be negligible. That almost certainly means that very vigorous oversight procedures will have to be applied to those areas of research.

Since independent oversight is never intrinsically welcome and can itself have perverse consequences, there is and will continue to be strong resistance to applying it to areas of fundamental scientific inquiry where individual autonomy has been highly valued for the best of reasons. Scientists are accustomed to review of scientific merit before they publish their results. They are not accustomed to review of potential social consequence before they initiate the work expected to yield results of scientific merit. Although there are precedents and procedures that can be applied and limited initiatives that can be seen as precursors, there is as yet no review process anywhere in the world comprehensively and systematically assessing inherent social danger with a degree of vigor commensurate with the apparent problem. Eventually, however, despite predictable reluctance, a process that is commensurate with the underlying problem will certainly have to be considered and probably attempted.

If it is to be adequately effective, an independent review process addressing potential social consequence in advance of scientific experimentation would have to operate on a global scale. The remarkable momentum of discovery in molecular biology is the result of widely dispersed research in the biomedical community, virtually all of it undertaken for compellingly legitimate reasons. The dynamics of infectious disease that pose the primary source of threat are inherently global in character, as has long been recognized. Under these circumstances no oversight process confined to national jurisdiction can aspire to offer adequate protection. Moreover, an adequately effective oversight process would also have to be actively practiced and comprehensively applied in the sense that all relevant areas of research would have to be subjected to the same procedures utilizing consistent criteria of judgment. That almost certainly means that the process would have to be legally mandatory. Voluntary arrangements do not command the commitments of time or the allocation of resources necessary to assure effective performance. Nor by definition do they have the authority necessary to assure compliance.

An oversight process meeting these standards would subject relevant areas of biological research to a degree of independent scrutiny calibrated to the degree of social danger posed. That would require robust and widely accepted determinations of what research is relevant and how degree of danger should be assessed. Achieving effective global consensus on those determinations and their operational implications would undoubtedly be a very demanding venture, but one can nonetheless plausibly imagine how it might work out. The most extreme category of danger, for example, would be reserved for those research activities that might reveal in specific detail how pathogens more lethal or otherwise more objectionably consequential than those that have naturally evolved might be created. All projects of that sort would have to be reviewed in advance at an international level of jurisdiction by people competent to judge both the science involved and the potential social consequence of its application. If approved, implementation of those projects would be monitored, and knowledge of their results would be restricted to globally authorized individuals with legitimate reasons for having that knowledge.

Under such an arrangement, most research with the more dangerous of the currently known pathogens would be assigned to a second tier category of danger, and active oversight would continue to be handled through national jurisdiction. Active international efforts would be undertaken, however, to upgrade national oversight arrangements according to agreed standards and to harmonize the judgments made within separate national jurisdictions. A third tier category would be defined for research activities that are of less immediate concern but might nonetheless create more dangerous pathogens through the application of advanced research techniques. Projects in that category would be subjected to local oversight entities whose review process would be regulated and harmonized by the relevant national review bodies. Most biological research activities would fall outside these categories and would not be subjected to this form of independent review, but efforts would be made to assure general knowledge of the requirements and submission to those requirements at any point when research results appear to require it.

Establishing review procedures of this sort would not provide absolute protection against the deliberately or inadvertently destructive application of biotechnology. It would provide a much more advanced standard of protection than currently exists, however, and would be a necessary foundation for any yet more assertive effort.

Defining Danger

Any serious effort to develop a global oversight process would undoubtedly require considerable conceptual, legal, institutional and political innovation and would involve very substantial adjustment of prevailing public health and national security practices. I will not attempt to assess all that might be entailed, but I would like to emphasize the importance both of devising a viable definition of technical danger and of making a prudent judgment about its immediate operational character. A credible definition is essential to designing a globally acceptable oversight arrangement. An accurate judgment of immediate threat is critical to the design as well but also to any hope of initiating productive official discussions of the topic.

There are two functional purposes that a definition of technical danger must achieve. It must determine in a generally understood and accepted manner what persons and what projects are to be subjected to what level of oversight. It also must provide a coherent basis for exercising independent judgment in the course of oversight. Those purposes are sufficiently different to affect the nature of the definition advanced. A procedural definition is appropriate for determining oversight jurisdiction. A substantive definition is necessary for making oversight judgments.

In implementing this distinction, the first tier categorization of danger requiring international oversight jurisdiction might be applied to any proposed research with any of the following characteristics:

  • Any work on the variola virus (smallpox) or a comparably virulent agent that has been eradicated in nature,
  • Any spontaneously infectious agent requiring BSL 4 level of containment,
  • Synthesis of any agent matching the above characteristics,
  • Expanding the host range or tissue range of any agent that would otherwise be assigned to a lower tier category,
  • Constructing vaccine resistant or antibiotic resistant strains of agents that would otherwise be assigned to lower tier categories.

In effect those provisions would formalize and generalize current arrangements for international scrutiny of smallpox research.

With jurisdiction so determined, guidelines for the exercise of international oversight would be based on the intrinsic properties of the pathogens proposed to be either the subject or the product of the research submitted for review; notably, their transmissibility, infectivity and pathogenicity. Transmissibility refers to the ability of a pathogen to propagate spontaneously from one host to another; infectivity to its ability to penetrate a new host and reproduce within it; and pathogenicity to the incidence and severity of the diseases it causes. Of these transmissibility is of particular concern from the perspective of social impact. The ability to threaten large numbers of people, plants or animals in a short period of time essentially depends on a highly transmissible pathogen. Unfortunately the determinants of transmissibility are not well understood or well measured, but that means there is reason to be especially careful.

The operational judgment of immediate danger has to do with assessing the most likely source of destructive application. Deliberate terrorism is clearly the most frequently mentioned candidate, but it is not, I would argue, the most imminent threat. The greater problem arises from national government programs conducting threat assessment activities that are protected from international scrutiny by national security classification. There has been a surge of such activity in the United States in reaction to the malicious use of anthrax in 2001, but other governments are undertaking apparently similar efforts. That process generates reverberating suspicion and creates conditions under which competitive national government programs might create the threats they imagine they are attempting to defeat. The best protection against that danger is to conduct all threat assessment research under public health jurisdiction and rules of transparency. That would be my most urgent immediate recommendation.

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